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Hotclicks: The Science Behind Parse.ly Deathmatch

APRIL 1, 2013: FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Today we released Parse.ly Deathmatch, to demonstrate a new  metric for online media: the Hotclick (TM).

As Parse.ly’s Chief Hadoop Officer (CHO, fmr. CTO), I felt compelled to explain the science behind this important, game-changing metric.

Hotclicks (TM) are determined by doing a comparison between two competing news stories for a given semantic topic. A swarm of objective experiment participants (let’s call them “readers”) evaluate the content quality using the full cognitive abilities endowed in them. Millions of synapses fire, billions of sensory data points are processed, and instantaneously, a judgement is determined: HOT, or NOT.

The number of “hots” registered against a given story or publisher are then put through a complex data processing pipeline to determine its  Hotclicks. We’re talking serious data science, as the following peek inside the Parse.ly codebase will show:

As explained in our introductory blog post, this takes into account all sorts of factors, including 325 elements of content compatibility, which are summarized using a variation of the Golden Ratio. An aside: isn’t Math beautiful?

Of course, because this core calculation function is stateless, we can instantly parallelize it across hundreds of thousands of Amazon Elastic Map Reduce nodes, using Hadoop technology.

We’ll now explain how we reticulated the splines of content synergy.

What’s wrong with pageviews? They don’t get at the heart of the most important aspect of content: editorial quality. Hotclicks, on the other hand, utilize the Wisdom of the Crowds and Big Data to provide much more accurate readings of content quality quality and importance.

For example, take the recent New York Times “Snow Fall” multimedia storytelling piece.

According to editor Jill Abramson, this story received more than 3.5 million pageviews.

However, when put up in a Parse.ly Deathmath against a rival story, the situation looks drastically different.

Our semantic analysis system found a semantically comparable article from FreakingNews, a reputable source of investigative photojournalism (known in insider media circles as  ”photoshopping”).

 

EXPERIMENT VARIATION v1.08.34

A) SNOW FALL: 1,211 Hotclicks

B) FUNNY AVALANCHE PHOTOS: 300,522 Hotclicks

hotclick differential: B|+299,311

deathmatch winner: FUNNY AVALANCHE PHOTOS

 

We ran this experiment hundreds of times, with different demographic audiences (including, notably, one test group of people currently caught in the middle of an avalanche). Time and time again, our Hotclick metric chose the editorially superior content. If you had gone by pageviews, the 3.5M for the NYT’s hyped-up snoozer would have “outperformed” this Funny Avalanche Photos compendium by a ratio of nearly 3.5-million-to-1.

So, there you have it. The Hotclick (TM). Science. Wisdom of Crowds. Big Data. Hadoop.

Give it a try yourself over at Parse.ly Deathmatch.

Sincerely,

Chief Hadoop Officer (CHO)
Andrew Montalenti
http://parse.ly
April 1, 2013

BKLYNR Is A Great Vintage In Virtual Bottles

If you write about new media and haven’t heard of BKLYNR, you might want to start revising next week’s column about paywalls and ad revenue. The brainchild of Thomas Rhiel, Raphael Pope-Sussman, and Ben Cotton—former classmates of mine at Columbia—BKLYNR “will publish in-depth stories about the political, economic, and cultural life of Brooklyn. Each issue will contain three pieces—something light to start, and then two longer articles.” A $2 monthly or $20 yearly subscription buys “quality journalism” “produced by a talented group of writers, photographers, multimedia producers, and artists.” Like most everything made in Brooklyn these days, BKLYNR is small batch, sustainable, etc., and it shows: the website design is beautiful, the copy pristine, pedigree unimpeachable, too small to fail. And potential readers are taking notice. BKLYNR set out to raise $10,000 prior to launch, and with a little help from The New York Timesand Reddit, it has already met that goal. A niche publication with a built-in readership, a focus on quality, long-form galore, funding scheme straight out of Kickstarter: this product presses all the right buttons. But don’t discount it as dogging the trend-line. BKLYNR’s strategy suggests a sexy alternative to the painful print-to-digital transition.

BKLYNR seeks to fill an open market, one with ample demand and lagging supply. Where’s the smart writing about Brooklyn, the in-depth coverage, the gritty reportage, Thomas, Raphael, and Ben ask. Although “big media” offers timely news content, the borough hungers for more magazine-length essays about unusual suspects, or so goes the BKLYNR hypothesis. The interesting twist of BKLYNR is not its thesis, which may or may not be true, but rather its commitment to the values of print journalism, the fundamentals so-to-speak. BKLYNR attempts to import the characteristic quality and feel of newspapers and magazines, the really good stuff (if you’re a believer), into a digital format. By recruiting contributors from struggling “big media” outfits and repackaging their work in a sleek web style, BKLYNR promises all the taste of, say, The New York Times, but without the calories. BKLYNR is slim and realistic about its scope, but it’s not a diet magazine. Digital publishing is more analogous to barefoot running than Slimfast. It hurts more to switch from sneakers to skin than to never wear Nikes at all. I’m trying to argue, by way of that tortured analogy, that it might be better (and less expensive) to rebuild from zero than to remodel print media. We’re on the cusp of a next wave of start-up publications that will outpace rebooted print media.

Some web-only publishers have rejected the principles of traditional journalism, what might be called dogma, in order to privilege nimble, witty, and lively reporting. Yet the desire for high-quality long-form content continues to grow. BKLYNR walks a middle-road between blind adherence to convention and extremist innovation. To lean on cliché, old wine in new bottles never tasted better.

Feeling Like Big Data

What does it feel like to be big data?

Answering that question requires a similar approach to its distant relatives, stuff of the species “what does it feel like to be a dog,” or, “what does it feel like to be my brother?” After establishing some known facts—the basics of doggy life, the body of my brother, broadly construed—we are forced to make a move to the imagination. In order to think about what another being feels, how they experience the world, we speculate and fantasize and dream about their inner worlds. Although the whole enterprise seems alien, and maybe dilettantish, it’s a task we take on almost every day. Whenever we see an animal in pain or eat a piece of meat, or shake hands with a friend and sense our own skin by touching theirs, or share a meaningful glance with a stranger on the subway, we pass through their place for an infinitesimal slice of time. The experience of experiencing as another is called empathy, and it is the beginning of our ethics and politics.

Closer kin to the computer is the plant, a being without obvious sentience, an organism that does not react to stimuli in ways we recognize as human-like. Where it is a small step from myself to my brother, and an easy stride to a dog in whose face I can read emotions, in whose eyes I can imagine a soul, it is a dangerous leap to a tree, which is something nearer to a stone than myself.  Yet we can intuit the experiences of plant, or at least make the troubling jump from how sunlight warms our bones to the green glistening of leaves. In doing so we colonize life that is not our own, incorporate it into schemes of experience derived from human knowledge. The endeavor of imaginative sympathy, of empathy, is disclosed as delusion around the problem of radically non-human life. And when we come to realize that plants and bacteria are but a difference in degree from dogs and brothers, the prospect of ever feeling as another seems unlikely if not impossible. But perhaps a shift down the great chain of being can teach us a new way of thinking altogether, an alternative to empathy that allows us to sense the unimaginable. For any sensory paradox—to hear silence or see the invisible or touch the imaginary—we need to stop straining (to hear, to see, to touch) and become receptive to those experiences appearing before us.

Ironically, to refuse the empathetic move is to embrace the root of all empathy—the recognition of shared materials. There is like-stuff shared among all beings and non-beings, a point made so lucidly in Jane Bennett’s recent book Vibrant Matter. Stones, bacteria, plants, dogs, and brothers are composed of the same basic ingredients. The radical difference we perceive between ourselves, the human being conscious of its place in the world, and the senseless stone belies a possibility of mutual experience. Our metacognitive faculties—or our ability to monitor our own mental processes, to thrust our thought into thinking stuff—lets us experience our bodies and minds as fractional, heterogeneous, and material. 

What does it feel like to be a computer? The answer is in the empathy of shared material. If we detach objects from the stories we tell about them and yet preserve their agency, their wild swerving through the world, we can identify with wires and circuit boards. We can let the computer speak its own story to us, because it is our ancestor. Our suspicion of technology follows from its distance. We have created it, and so unlike the stone or the plant we cannot ignore its likeness to us. As we have made our techno-habitats in our own image, we have forced ourselves to ignore our common lives and our mutual entanglements. Otherwise the guilt and pain would be unbearable. We fear becoming the slaves of robots because we know ourselves to be the slave masters. A new ethics demands more than a new relationship to natural ecosystems and organisms. Our new way of living will require a compassionate response to computer intelligence and digital beings.

One final move to big data is the most difficult, because it is ethereal. While we have “made it” or collected it and arranged it in useful patterns, it shares nothing with us other than the stamp of our creation. Still, the life of big data is probably closer to our own than even our brothers. Once we look inside and see our bodies and minds as particulate, we can comprehend our existence as an assemblage of big data. The human experience is, in fact, synonymous with big data. And as the human body grows more machine-like, as it absorbs metal into tissue and gives up tissue into digital memories, we will be forced to reckon with big data as more than a metaphor for our sense of self. When we become big data, we will have no choice but to commit to an ethical relationship with machine-beings or to conquer our newly acknowledged kin.   

Unlimited Rides, Subscriptions, and “The Meter”

When Andrew Sullivan took back his political blog, “The Daily Dish,” from the Daily Beast, he started an independent company. Instead of relying on advertising, “The Dish” would cover hosting costs and payroll with subscriptions. Sullivan calls this business plan, an alternative digital publishing model if you will, “reader-supported.” Yesterday, “The Dish” released a report on its meter, a system that tracks the number of articles a user reads before engaging a subscription pay-wall. Thus far, the meter has resulted in $93,000 worth of new subscriptions. Including pre-subscriptions, “The Dish” has raised two-thirds of its goal funding in three weeks. 

Although the publishing model at hand is revolutionary, because it jettisons advertisers and their influence, “The Dish” has not yet reached its full disruptive potential. The word meter implies a kind of gradated scale, a sort of pay-as-you-go that is antithetical to a subscription service. A true meter might work along two axes: 1) A consumer provides credit-card information, and for each article read, a (very) small amount is charged to their account, or a consumer adds money to a debit account, from which the charge is subtracted, or 2) A consumer is charged for time spent on site. For example, if you wanted to read one article from a publication, you could pay a fraction of the full subscription price. Or if you thought that you would spend less time reading content than a subscription price assumed, you could opt-in to the time charge. Basically, the difference is analogous to that between single ride metrocards, loaded metrocards, and unlimited ride metrocards. At each level, the customer is awarded a discount, bonus, or premium for opting in to a heavier use-expectation. But someone who is only in town for the weekend shouldn’t have to purchase a month-long unlimited ride card.

To lean on personal anecdote, I (Jason, the author of this post) refuse to pay certain subscription fees because my expected use is situated far below the break-even point. If a digital publisher offered the chance to pay-as-you-go, I would be more likely to opt-in, as a rational consumer. Otherwise, my money goes to waste when I buy an unlimited card but only ride twice a week. 

Fear and Loathing Before the Paywall

Do we need a digital “New Journalism”—a revolution in how reporters tell stories, an infusion of “voice” and “personality” a la Tom Wolfe, Truman Capote, and Hunter S. Thompson?

Frédéric Filloux and Monday Note think so. Filloux suggests that a revival of “New Journalism” could save journalism from extinction. In an epic sermon to the chorus, Filloux enumerates why newspapers need to evolve: readers are saturated with content, traditional editorial models and bylines are unnecessary to credential a reporter’s work, journalists are more committed to blogging than writing for print, and magazines have shaped reader preferences. From these premises—validity questionable—Filloux concludes that “digital media needs to invent its own journalistic genres.”

Whether or not you believe that print magazines have influenced browsing behavior, a migration of content from print to digital media demands the development of new genres. After all, different genres of journalism emerged in response to the material constraints and possibilities of print contexts. A digital context thus necessitates a new set of genres.

Why then does Filloux argue, perhaps out of pure nostalgia, for a retro recycle of “New Journalism?”

Although Filloux is right that “news reporting is aging badly,” the solution is not a return to the ‘70s. “New Journalism” had its cultural moment. The movement was an expression of dissatisfaction with the norms of news reportage and the “straight” social institutions supporting those norms. Contrary to received wisdom, “New Journalism” was not especially concerned with the material dissolution of journalism. In fact, writers like Wolfe, Capote, and Thompson were enabled by a boom of affordable glossies, tabloids, and dailies. If anything, “New Journalism” is antithetical to our contemporary technological and cultural moment, entirely unsuited to current market pressures and consumer expectations. 

“New Journalism” passed out of this world, or at the very least became passé, because it failed to fulfill the basic charge of the newspaper: to report facts. And factuality has not decreased in importance as criterion since the demise of “New Journalism.” Jonah Lehrer, A Million Little Pieces, the Stephen Glass scandal, to name a few examples, point to a persistent suspicion of the pseudo-, semi-, and quasi-factual. Champions of digital journalism have not focused on its creative potential, that is, the ability of journalists to invent or distort stories. Rather, the pro-digital camp has cheered for crowdsourced journalism, social media fact checking, and the advent of technologies that regulate freedom of invention, if not freedom of expression. 

Digital journalism has revealed the complex relationship between “journalism as product” and “journalism as public good.” Is the news a commodity that should respond to, or alternatively, create markets? Should consumer demand for a particular type of journalism, or even journalism that says certain things about the facts, constrain what type of journalism is produced? Or is the news a public good? Is it the right of a democratic citizen to access information about his or her political, economic, and social world? The transition from print to digital journalism has emphasized this paradox, the contradiction built into post-“New Journalism.” After we have admitted that journalist need not be constrained by facts, or that facticity is not a useful metric for measuring the value of reporting, the news can pretend to be both product and public good. As our demand for stylized but eminently factual “news” intensifies, how long can the conceit of “journalism” keep up the charade?

It seems inevitable that a total divide in the journalism industry will splinter digital media: a great schism between “news” outlets that purport to deliver facts and “entertainment” portals that sell witty, clever, and pleasurable “stories.” But how will news companies convince consumers to purchase a product that ought to be free? Perhaps the real scam is that citizens must still pay to make informed decisions. Information should be free; entertainment should come at a price, if need be, a sacrifice. We can only hope that news will become a right, not a privilege of the wealthy. Until then, the “liberal media” is a myth, but not of the kind you might expect. The problem is not that some media companies hide a liberal agenda or bias, or that conservative-slanted companies attack a liberal agenda piled up from straw. Instead, we should ask, how could any media company pretend at liberalism while denying entry to all citizens?

Reading Virtual Books for Endless Afternoons

Warren Zevon’s continued exclusion from the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame is a travesty. I wouldn’t throw that word around carelessly. If you’ve never sat down and really listened to a Warren Zevon record, I suggest you do so as soon as possible. You could mark off one hour better spent than watching sitcoms. Though I don’t think Zevon would knock sitcoms, he probably would have pointed to all the life happening off-screen. 

Warren Zevon died in 2003 of mesothelioma, but not before recording one final album, The Wind. VH1 produced a short documentary about the making of the album. Work commenced soon after Zevon’s diagnosis. Doctors predicted he wouldn’t last three months. The word “deadline” has rarely weighed so heavily on an artist. As Warren’s health disintegrated, he struggled to finish all the songs. One particularly tough day in the studio, Warren said, the morphine slurring his usual patter, “I haven’t been reading at all lately since my diagnosis. My [unintelligible] Schopenhauer said, ‘we love to buy books because we believe we’re buying the time to read them.’ Isn’t that grand?” Apparently Zevon is misquoting Schopenhauer here—any philosophy aficionados out there with a source? Whether a Zevon original or bona fide Schopenhauer-ism, the quote cuts to a problem for historians of the book. Why do we buy more books than we can read now or even intend to eventually?

For book collectors like Walter Benjamin, books possess a value beyond the stories and knowledge held within their covers. In his essay “Unpacking My Library,” Benjamin references Anatole France’s rejoinder “to a philistine who admired his library and then finished with the standard question, “And you have read all these books, Monsieur France” “Not one-tenth of them. I don’t suppose you use your Sevres china every day?” A book’s value may lie in its beauty, its rarity, a wonderful memory it evokes, or its special place in a collection. A bookshelf with one empty slot is a pathetic and yearning sight. The bibliophile wants to fill the missing spaces in his personal library. Otherwise, the ache rings like a sore tooth, rotten and pockmarked with cavities, that begs a good suck.

What will the world look like once we have lost all our books? That future that looks likelier with every passing digital edition and e-reader. Of course, we would be remiss to ignore the political promise of such a future: the possibility of truly free literature, a global library open to all readers, and a symmetrical distribution of information. But I think we would also be hasty to dismiss the real pain that we will all suffer when the last book collapses into fragments like paper moths. If we love to buy books because we believe we’re buying the time to read them, how will the disappearance of the book change our relationship to time? Zevon and Schopenhauer suggest that books serve as insurance against entropy. Time passes on, but the promises we make to ourselves, the vows to read the books we’ve bought, persists. Each volume represents a specific parcel of leisure: an hour for The Hunger Games, two for The Catcher in the Rye, and for especially fat stuff, maybe Melville, a day or two. We use the books we’ve bought to measure the time we have left. Of course, that measurement is a delusion. How could we ever predict the hours of books tumbling down our personal timers? But by converting the abstract and the immeasurable into concrete objects, we assure a certain peace of mind. In a world without books, we will become unstuck from those blocks of text and glue. We will be left to wander without the security of the hours we’ve promised to ourselves. In our virtual lives, our experience of time will not be measured in pages, chapters, or finished novels. Instead, we’ll drift in a flow of data, joyful and ignorant of the time we’ve spent. Entire lives will evaporate in an endless afternoon surfing the web. 

Perhaps it is a marvelous opportunity, this unraveling of the knots tying our lives to mere objects. Are books but objects, though? The really uncomfortable fact of book collecting is that the “book as commodity” transforms the book’s content into a price tag. When we give up books, we will be able to complete the circuit of exchange. We will trade time for knowledge; we will loose our days into ether to set knowledge free.

The Super Bowl and Social Media Advertising

Super Bowl XLVII had a tough team to beat. Its predecessor, XLVI, captivated 111.3 million Americans with a rating of 47.8—meaning 47.8 percent of households watching television that night tuned in. XLVII scored 48.1, a new Super Bowl record. Sure, that 48.1 figured out to a mere 108.3 million viewers. But who’s counting. [Numbers courtesy Forbes.] Analysts had predicted the decline in total viewership, which turned out to be minimal. For all practical purposes though, XLVII was as popular as XLVI. With Beyonce and a freak power outage, that is. Nevertheless, XLVII proved that the sports media event, broadcasted across traditional channels, has maintained its status as commercial advertising juggernaut.

But how successfully did advertisers capture or engage with social media audiences? Over the course of the evening, the Super Bowl inspired 24.1 million tweets, with a peak of 268,000 tweets per minute at the end of the halftime show. The precise content of the tweet en masse is difficult to describe, but I think “color commentary” is a fair approximation. At the risk of leaning heavily on an analog cliche, the “peanut gallery” used social media to express criticism, praise, snark, and delight. Rarely did Twitter devolve into a stream of “commercial commentary,” even when the subjects of conversation were commercials themselves. Advertisers failed to inspire a level of deep engagement with their products.

According to the logic of television advertising, deep engagement with the product is a no-no. Consumers should ponder the goods at hand, make considered decisions, debate the merits of competitors; commercials should inspire a feeling, a desire (perhaps not for the product itself, but for the values that the product entails)—nothing more. Yet social media advertising is a different story, because digital consumers expect a degree of interactivity. Television is, by nature, a passive medium. The viewer receives the information beamed down from above. Twitter is, by nature, an active medium. The user broadcasts information back to the powers that be.

During the Super Bowl, advertisers had the opportunity to make visible and explicit the new relationship between television spots and social media conversations. Unfortunately, there is a prevailing line of thought about “how to make money from social media.” The paradigm of social media monetization returns the user from active user to unwitting, passive recipient of commercial data. For old-school advertisers, it’s all well and good for Twitter users to believe themselves participants in a dialogue about television advertisements, or even to participate in trending conversations about products. As long as users are confined to “the message,” they remain tools of the advertiser.

Advertisers are unwilling to facilitate a change of purpose: a switch from the user as receptacle and vehicle of advertising slogan to independent brand ambassador. Such reluctance follows from the fear that necessitates advertising in the first place, a paranoia (possibly true) that one’s product just isn’t that good. Thus the need for distraction and deception, because if one’s product was the best, in a perfect competition against lesser foes there would be no risk of failure. The “Twitter account as independent brand ambassador” demands an impossible level of trust between consumer and advertiser. The latter assumes that loyalty is, paradoxically capricious; that no one will remain a brand ambassador of their own will forever. Indeed, I find my own product loyalties shifting when I deliberate the merits of competitors. Why should I advocate for one product once I have changed my mind and think another to be superior? What is the incentive?  

Advertisers recognize the perils of social media strategies that rely upon the independence and free choice of the consumer. Traditionally, advertising has depended upon the illusion of independence and free choice. How could that illusion be replaced by something real? More importantly, why would an advertiser risk everything on the whims of a consumer when those whims can be manipulated? At least for now, social media advertising cannot replicate the success of its television forebears. It is not so easy to manipulate collectives of consumers communicating across digital space. Therefore, we face an arms race between savvy consumer advocates and their advertising enemies. For the consumer, the launch of stronger and faster response systems against bad products. For the advertiser, the development of better strategies for the manipulation of social media. What’s your bet?

Reading for Pleasure

The first half of my life I read for pleasure every day. I came home, curled up in the beanbag chair next to my bookshelf, and read for an hour or three. Although I played sports, did homework, and hung out with friends, my life as a middle schooler was less than busy. According to a monthly reading journal I kept, I averaged three books a week. Full disclosure, my parents limited the time I could spend on the computer. We had one desktop, located in a cabinet between kitchen and family room. We didn’t own any video game systems. (My dad bought broken pinball machines and we fixed them, and we had a foosball table.) Wednesday was the one night a week we watched TV. 

The first time I wrote the preceding paragraph, I ended it, “I entertained myself with my books.” But that isn’t a perfectly accurate statement, because I didn’t think that books were entertainment. Reading was an integrated part of my life, no different from eating dinner. The absence of books would have been unthinkable.

When I started high school, I stopped reading for pleasure except over holidays. I had more of everything: more activities, more homework, more friends. And more electronic stimulation, because my parents realized that limits on computer use forced me to blitz through essays and research. I got my first laptop for my middle school graduation. Without supervision, I discovered instant messaging and stayed up late at night talking with my peers. Instead of reading by myself, I expanded my social circles, which perhaps suggests that reading and dialogue or the life of the mind and social life are mutually exclusive. The contradiction of reading and socializing is a recent phenomenon, though; from “the republic of letters” to literary salons, reading has been a historically communal activity. While the Internet has made it possible for the salon to move into digital forums, a limited number of teenagers discuss literature on listservs. More so than television, which remained a background channel until I left for college, time spent on the Internet traded off with reading.

Pleasure reading has become a dirty turn of phrase. Considering the sexual connotation of “pleasure,” the slip of fun into smut isn’t exactly surprising. Yet we might ask how a particular category of “bad reading,” the erotic, has come to imply a more general set of reading behaviors; that is, how has an attack on erotic books become an attack on reading for fun, nothing more? 

Erotica is solitary stuff. To read dirty books is shameful in part because of their content, which bucks conservative sexual mores, but mostly because they empower the individual—myself minus companions. The reader of pornographic and obscene literature does not need the validation of an external audience. He or she probably wouldn’t receive it, even if he or she was looking for it. Against the threat that erotica poses to the couple as concept, we have set up a cultural defense, the stereotypes of the troll, the pervert, and the loner.

But what about ordinary books, the non-explicit or prurient? How did it happen that reading became a specialized task that one completed during designated times in roped-off corridors? Why do we have books that are  written for reading on the beach?

In the process of defining a good life as a social life, and moreover, a social life of a certain sort—one conducted in virtual coffeehouses—we have condemned all lonely pursuits as selfish and narcissistic. “Pay-per-view” means sex, despite its so-called “legitimate”channels, for example, Ultimate Fighting Championships. “Dining alone” means loneliness, despite the possibility that a table-for-one follows from circumstances neither pathetic nor the tragic. We label the isolated as the lonely because it has been conditioned, culturally and socially, as a useful shortcut. We hear “pay-per-view” and assume businessman-in-hotel-room. We see a person eating “by his lonesome” and assume that he is alone because he is unable to be with others. Besides perversion, why would someone choose to isolate himself? Our reliance on these shortcuts reflects a poverty of imagination. Thus, a term like “anti-social” can enter our vocabulary and come to stand for any behavior orchestrated by a party of one. Just as a brownie or Internet porn is sinful, but especially so when eaten or watched in solitude, the art of reading alone is a crime against nature. For man is a social animal, and his nature is to live among others. Even when we take “me-time,” we do so in order to broadcast our individuality and isolation to the crowd. Me-time is sign of class, the privilege that affords time for the self partitioned from the time that rightfully belongs to others. But what has happened to the things we do by ourselves, for ourselves, and tell no one about? What has happened to the secret things, the rituals and habits and oddities that we keep quiet and cherish inside? There are still remainders from Internet life reserved for the personal, but they are endangered and dwindling. Public intimacy has appropriated the sacred time set aside for the self.

Only on vacations from ordinary life are we expected to escape the collective. Reading for pleasure becomes a break from the daily drag. Such a treat to sit down with a book with no phones or email, or to have enough energy to focus on an object other than a screen. This logic is self-perpetuating. Once an activity becomes reserved for the extraordinary, it is a stumble away from abnormal. Consigned to vacation time, pleasure reading is safe. When it breaks free from that expectation, when pleasure reading infiltrates the everyday—when we start reading Dickens in our cubicles or jostling straphangers to flip a page or turn off American Idol or Girls or Homeland or power down laptops in favor of a thick-spined book—we begin to wonder why we have to confine our reading to stolen moments.. First, we question why we require a staycation from electronic stimulation, second, why books are the appropriate form for that respite, and third, why we need a break at all! At the time of its invention, the novel was a technology designed to alleviate boredom. Now, we need something comparatively boring to relieve the anxiety and stress of living. The most dangerous inquiry of all is one for revolutionary thinking, but banal all the same: Why don’t we read instead of reading for pleasure?

It was when I realized that reading was my vocation that I began to read for pleasure again. From that epiphany, I understood that the distinction between reading and reading for pleasure is a state of mind, a willful orientation to any activity. For it is our choice to say, “I am reading for pleasure,” rather than “I am reading,” to think that the difference between the two statements is true. By virtue of a minor rethinking, a slight alteration in phrase, we have taken back enough power to scrutinize the surety of other received wisdoms: that we are social animals, and that our social world has migrated into the digital.  

50 Years from a Birmingham Jail, The Justice of Internet Freedom

Before January 21st was the inauguration of Barack Obama, it was Martin Luther King, Jr. Day. But yesterday’s celebration of our first black president and of a civil rights martyr is more than simple coincidence: 2013 is the 50th anniversary of Dr. King’s “Letter from a Birmingham Jail.” When Dr. King was arrested in Birmingham for protesting Jim Crow, a group of white clergymen published a statement. “A Call for Unity” acknowledged the injustice of racism but insisted that segregation was an issue for the courts. Social activism was not the path to equality; public spaces were not the proper place for struggle. In anticipation of Dr. King’s arrest, Harvey Shapiro, then editor of The New York Times Magazine, had extended an open offer to Dr. King: if Dr. King found himself in jail again, he could write a letter for the Times. Yet Shapiro could not convince his colleagues to print “Letter from a Birmingham Jail,” Dr. King’s response to “A Call for Unity.” File the incident under “unfortunate rejection slips sent to great authors.”

“Letter from a Birmingham Jail” is a lucid discussion of justice and law. The central questions of the essay are, is racial segregation a just or unjust law, and, if racial segregation is an unjust law, how are we to respond?

“A just law is a man-made code that squares with the moral law or the law of God. An unjust law is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law. To put it in the terms of St. Thomas Aquinas, an unjust law is a human law that is not rooted in eternal law and natural law. Any law that uplifts human personality is just. Any law that degrades human personality is unjust. All segregation statutes are unjust because segregation distorts the soul and damages the personality.”

I have introduced Dr. King’s exposition on just and unjust laws so as to ask a question unrelated to racial segregation: is copyright law just or unjust, insofar as it applies to the exchange of information on the Internet? 

I have posed this question because freedom of information will be a pressing problem for Obama and the administrations that follow. Although racial, gender, religious, class (etc) inequalities continue to trouble the progress of human freedom, the fight for equality is migrating to virtual spaces. File sharing and piracy are symptomatic of this shift. A denial of access to the Internet, like the denial of education or medicine, suppresses the individual as political actor. Policy issues like copyright law, antitrust legislation, and censorship define the parameters of behavior on the web. These laws determine what can and cannot be said, where and how and by whom. 

That is not to suggest that file sharing is “right” or that copyright laws are unjust. Rather, the terms of the debate need to change. Conversations about intellectual property set the rights of the consumer against the rights of the artist. In fact, “the rights of the artist” is a shibboleth. When we speak of “the rights of the artist” we speak of “the rights of the corporation,” the distributor of artwork, whether music, books, or photographs. The regulation of information exchange, that is, the designation of limited rights conferred upon ownership, implies a new relationship between the consumer and the corporation. Instead of obtaining a material object, the consumer acquires a contract of “fair” and limited use. In effect, the consumer does not own the object in its entirety, but only a peculiar and arbitrary application of the object. It is as though a person, having heard a song on the radio, had his tongue cut out for whistling it on the street.

I do not want to pass judgment on the relative injustice of copyright laws after such a preliminary analysis. But I do think we can ask how Dr. King would have responded to illegal file sharing:

“In no sense do I advocate evading the law, as would the rabid segregationist. That would lead to anarchy. One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with a willingness to accept the penalty. I submit that an individual who breaks a law that conscience tells him is unjust and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the conscience of the community over its injustice is in reality expressing the highest respect for law.” 

In his second term, Barack Obama will have the opportunity to reset the assumptions governing Internet freedoms. Perhaps unfortunately, the free Internet cause does not have a Dr. King to pen missives from cold jail cells. Needless to say, I do not think Dr. King would have approved of Kim Dotcom. As long as dialogue about file sharing and copyright circles around greed, from either the consumer or corporate position, the cry for justice is nothing but crocodile tears.